The Philippines’ ambition to strengthen its semiconductor
industry under the US-backed Pax Silica initiative will require far more than
attracting foreign manufacturers, according to a recent study by the University
of the Philippines.
Researchers warn that without a deliberate national strategy
covering chip design, fabrication, research and development, and workforce
development, the planned semiconductor hub in New Clark City could reproduce
the shortcomings of the country’s earlier export processing zones.
The warning comes as the Philippines positions a planned
1,619-hectare economic security zone in New Clark City as a potential
centerpiece of its semiconductor strategy. The site forms part of the broader
Luzon Economic Corridor connecting Subic, Clark, Manila and Batangas.
A discussion paper by the UP Center for Integrative and
Development Studies compared the semiconductor trajectories of the Philippines
and Taiwan, tracing policy decisions made from the 1970s through the 1990s. Its
authors, Lianne Angelico Depante of Japan’s National Graduate Institute for
Policy Studies and Kirsten Lianne Mae Dedase of the UP National College of
Public Administration and Governance, concluded that government policy played a
decisive role in determining how far each country progressed.
Both economies entered the semiconductor business in the
late 1960s, initially focusing on lower-cost assembly, testing and packaging
operations. Taiwan subsequently developed capabilities across chip design,
wafer fabrication and advanced packaging.
The Philippines did not make the same transition. It remains
concentrated largely on back-end operations and has yet to establish a domestic
wafer fabrication plant.
The Bataan Lesson
The researchers identify the Bataan Export Processing Zone,
established in 1972, as an important historical comparison for the New Clark
City project.
BEPZ successfully attracted multinational companies through
infrastructure, tax and other incentives, foreign ownership provisions and
government-backed financing. Major semiconductor companies, including Intel and
Texas Instruments, established operations there, helping demonstrate the
country's potential as a manufacturing destination.
But attracting multinational corporations did not
automatically produce a deeper domestic semiconductor ecosystem.
The study argues that the Bataan model generated limited
technology transfer and few opportunities for sustained knowledge spillovers.
Its relative distance from major academic, commercial and industrial centers
made collaboration between companies, universities and research institutions
more difficult.
The experience highlights a fundamental distinction between
an industrial zone and an industrial cluster. A zone can provide factories,
roads, utilities and incentives. A cluster requires those physical assets to be
connected to universities, laboratories, suppliers, skilled workers,
entrepreneurs and institutions capable of generating new technology.
The researchers contend that subsequent economic zones
increasingly operated as isolated enclaves, with limited integration into the
broader Philippine economy.
That approach contrasts sharply with Taiwan’s strategy.
Taiwan Built an Ecosystem, Not Just an Export Zone
Taiwan’s semiconductor rise was supported by the deliberate
integration of industry, government research and education.
A pivotal example was the Hsinchu Science Park, established
in 1980 near National Tsing Hua University and National Chiao Tung University.
It was also positioned close to government research institutions that became
important sources of technology and eventually helped produce major
semiconductor companies.
Rather than simply providing companies with a place to
operate, Taiwan built an environment in which universities supplied talent,
public laboratories developed technology, and private companies commercialized
innovations.
The UP study argues that New Clark City could still pursue a
similar model. The project is not inherently destined to fail, but its success
will depend on whether policymakers build the institutional infrastructure
needed to support technological advancement.
That means establishing shared facilities for semiconductor
fabrication, design and testing; creating research partnerships among
universities, government laboratories and companies; and providing financial
support for technology spinoffs and university-based research.
Without those measures, the researchers caution that the
project could become another logistics-focused investment hub rather than a
platform for developing Philippine-owned semiconductor capabilities.
R&D Investment Remains a Major Weakness
The study also identifies government spending on science and
technology as a major structural weakness.
For decades, the Department of Science and Technology has
operated with less than 1% of total national government spending, according to
the researchers. They argue that inadequate and inconsistent support for
research and development has limited the country's ability to move into more
technologically sophisticated semiconductor activities.
Taiwan took a markedly different approach.
Its government was willing to commit public resources to
technologies that had not yet demonstrated commercial success. One notable
example was the government's support for the initial capitalization of Taiwan
Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, which received substantial state backing
after being spun off from the Industrial Technology Research Institute.
Taiwan also enabled public research institutions to
collaborate financially with private companies, allowing the state to absorb
some of the risks associated with developing emerging technologies.
For the Philippines, the lesson is not simply to spend more.
It is to deploy public funding strategically in areas where private investors
may be unwilling to shoulder the initial cost and risk.
Talent Shortages Could Become Another Bottleneck
Infrastructure and capital are only part of the challenge.
The Philippines also faces a longstanding shortage of specialized talent
capable of supporting a more sophisticated semiconductor ecosystem.
The study points to major differences in the way Taiwan and
the Philippines approached technical education.
Taiwan deliberately expanded technical and vocational
education to meet the needs of its growing industrial economy. By 1980, the
country's TVET enrollment had surpassed university enrollment by more than
half, creating a large pool of technicians and engineers for its expanding
electronics sector.
The Philippine education system followed a less coordinated
path. Universities largely responded to perceived market demand, contributing
to strong enrollment in fields such as law, business administration, education
and the humanities while science and engineering remained comparatively less
prominent.
The researchers also note that Philippine TVET has
historically been heavily oriented toward the service sector. Social
perceptions that technical and vocational careers carry less prestige have
further complicated efforts to develop a manufacturing-focused workforce.
Brain Drain Undermines Industrial Ambitions
Even when the Philippines succeeds in producing scientists
and engineers, retaining them remains a challenge.
Taiwan actively recruited engineers, scientists and
executives working abroad and brought them into its emerging technology sector.
The Philippines, meanwhile, has experienced persistent outward migration among
highly skilled professionals seeking better opportunities overseas.
Attempts to reverse that trend have faced a fundamental
problem: highly trained professionals are difficult to retain when the domestic
economy cannot offer enough advanced research and engineering positions.
The government's Balik Scientist Program illustrates the
difficulty. Although the initiative was modeled in part on Taiwan's approach,
the study found that more than half of the 320 scientists who participated in
the program during the early 2010s eventually returned overseas.
The issue, according to the researchers, is therefore larger
than attracting Filipino scientists home. The country must first create an
industrial base capable of giving them meaningful opportunities to conduct
research, develop technology and build companies.
A Semiconductor Strategy Beyond Foreign Investment
The UP researchers ultimately recommend a stronger role for
government in building the foundations of a domestic semiconductor industry.
Among their proposals is greater authority for public
research institutions to pursue applied research, incubate technology spinoffs
and experiment in areas such as chip design, advanced packaging and
laboratory-scale wafer fabrication.
They also call for a greater tolerance for calculated
failure. Developing new technologies inevitably involves unsuccessful
experiments, and the researchers argue that public institutions should be
structured to absorb those risks rather than avoid them entirely.
For the Philippines, one of the study's key proposals is a
dedicated semiconductor development fund. Such a mechanism could provide equity
investments, matching grants, concessional financing or research subsidies to
domestic semiconductor companies and startups.
Government assistance, however, should be tied to measurable
national benefits. These could include technology transfer, workforce
development, domestic supplier expansion and the generation of patents.
The broader message is clear: foreign investment can provide
the capital, markets and expertise needed to accelerate semiconductor
development, but it cannot substitute for a domestic innovation system.
For New Clark City to become a genuine semiconductor hub,
the Philippines will need to build more than an attractive location for
multinational companies. It will need universities that produce the right
talent, research institutions that create technology, domestic firms capable of
absorbing knowledge, and government programs willing to finance the difficult
stages of industrial development.
Otherwise, the country risks repeating a familiar pattern:
becoming an efficient destination for foreign production without developing the
technological capabilities needed to capture a larger share of the
semiconductor industry's value.
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